12th December 2025
Early-years interventions aimed at supporting disadvantaged children and families are a public-policy priority in many high-income countries.
Two of the best-known programmes are the UK's Sure Start (children's centres and family support, launched 1999) and the United States' Head Start (early childhood education and family services, launched 1965).
Both target vulnerable children and seek to improve health, development and school readiness — yet they differ in design, governance and scale. Crucially, political choices rather than purely technical evaluations have determined their trajectories: Sure Start was substantially downsized after 2010, while Head Start has repeatedly faced budgetary and administrative threats under recent U.S. administrations.
This essay compares the two programmes, summarizes evidence on impact, explains why Sure Start was curtailed, and explains why Head Start has been politically vulnerable — particularly under the Trump administrations — and the implications of these changes.
Origins, purpose and core design
Head Start (USA)
Established in 1965 as part of President Johnson's War on Poverty, Head Start is a federal programme that provides early childhood education, health, nutrition and family-engagement services to low-income children (prenatal to age five) and their families. It is administered federally (through the Department of Health and Human Services) but delivered locally by grantees (non-profits, school districts, community action agencies). Head Start emphasizes comprehensive services, family support, and community control of programming.
Sure Start (UK)
Launched in 1999, Sure Start originally focused on the most disadvantaged neighbourhoods, combining early-years education, health visiting, parenting support and family services via community-based "children's centres." By the mid-2000s the policy shifted toward a universal offer (a children's centre in every community) and a large network of centres across England. Governance was a mixture of national funding with local delivery via councils and partners. At its peak around 2009-10 there were over 3,000 centres and substantial central investment.
Key differences in structure and funding
Universal vs targeted orientation
Sure Start evolved into a near-universal children’s centre network (services available to all families in an area, with extra help to disadvantaged families).
Head Start has always been explicitly targeted at low-income children and families.
Levels of government and funding certainty
Head Start is federally funded, giving it a measure of budgetary visibility and nationwide statutory backing, although annual appropriations mean it is subject to congressional politics.
Sure Start relied on central government funding but delivery and many funding decisions depended on local authorities; after 2010 reductions in central grants to councils shifted control — and vulnerability — to the local level.
Delivery model
Head Start is delivered by an array of grantees with federal rules and monitoring.
Sure Start children’s centres were often council-run or run by local partners, and services varied widely by area. This created heterogeneity in offer and made comparative evaluation complex.
GOV.UK Assets
Evidence on effectiveness
Both programmes have generated research showing benefits, particularly for disadvantaged children, though effects vary by outcome and study design.
Head Start
Numerous evaluations find gains in school readiness, parenting practices, and short-term cognitive outcomes; long-term effects are mixed but some influential studies show benefits in later schooling and reduced criminal justice contacts. The federal programme’s scale and local tailoring complicate uniform conclusions, but systematic reviews generally find Head Start produces meaningful early gains for vulnerable children.
Sure Start
Large UK evaluations (including randomized and quasi-experimental studies of early Sure Start Local Programmes) found positive effects for some child health and parental outcomes in treated areas, and more recent long-run work (e.g., Institute for Fiscal Studies analyses) finds meaningful lifetime benefits and positive fiscal returns from the programme at scale. However, impact varied across sites depending on intensity and services offered.
Why Sure Start was pared back (what "stopped" it)
A combination of political choices, austerity, and policy re-prioritization explains the contraction of Sure Start from its 2009-10 peak:
Austerity and local government cuts (post-2010): The 2010 Coalition government implemented wide public spending reductions and removed ring-fencing for many local authority grants. Central funding to local councils fell, forcing councils to make difficult choices; many reduced children’s centre services or closed sites. The shift of budgetary responsibility to local authorities meant the national programme lost its previous scale and uniformity.
Policy re-targeting and guidance changes
Subsequent governments reframed children’s centres’ "core purpose," emphasizing targeted services for the most disadvantaged rather than universal local coverage. This reorientation often justified consolidation or "linking" of sites (fewer centres offering a narrower set of services).
Variability in impact and local implementation: Because centres differed so much in services and intensity, some local decision-makers judged closures or mergers defensible. That heterogeneity made political defence of the whole network harder during fiscal tightening. Independent researchers and campaigners later argued closures created a postcode lottery and that long-term benefits justified reinvestment.
Resulting contraction and subsequent revival: Between 2010 and the late 2010s more than a thousand centres closed or were downgraded. In the mid-2020s there has been renewed political momentum (and research like the IFS cost-benefit work) supporting a relaunched family hub/Best Start approach, signaling partial policy reversal.
Why Head Start has been politically vulnerable (the Trump administrations’ stance)
Head Start’s legal status as a federal programme gives it institutional resilience but also places it squarely in the budgetary crosshairs. Under the Trump administrations the programme faced multiple types of pressure:
Budget proposals to cut or eliminate funding: Trump budget proposals repeatedly targeted early-childhood spending, including Head Start, often proposing significant cuts or elimination and arguing for devolving responsibilities to states or private providers. Such proposals create uncertainty even if Congress ultimately preserves funding.
Administrative actions and grant freezes: Early in the most recent Trump administration there were reports of frozen grants, payment processing glitches, and temporary closures when funds were not disbursed promptly; combined with Departmental staffing changes and layoffs, these administrative moves hampered operations and raised fears among providers. Advocates described a strategy of undermining by neglect as well as by explicit cuts.
AP News
Ideological alternatives and Project 2025 Republican policy initiatives and conservative think-tank blueprints (for example, recommendations in Project 2025) have called for scaling back federal early-years programmes, shifting responsibilities to states, or replacing Head Start with block grants and private provision — all framed as restoring "local control" and shrinking federal government. Such proposals both reflect and drive political threats to the programme.
Advocacy and political resistance
Head Start has strong bipartisan supporters in Congress and among community providers, and in many cases Congress has refused to enact deep cuts. Nevertheless, the repeated executive-branch proposals and administrative frictions have imposed real operational and funding uncertainty on frontline providers and families.
Comparative implications
Political vulnerability takes different forms. Sure Start’s retreat was chiefly driven by fiscal austerity and decentralization of responsibilities to local government; Head Start’s vulnerability has taken the form of federal budget proposals, administrative pressure, and ideological campaigns to devolve or privatize. Both routes can shrink programme reach and weaken services for disadvantaged children.
Scale and institutional protections matter. A federal programme with statutory backing (Head Start) may survive partisan budget proposals better than a large, partly universal programme that depends on local budgets (Sure Start). But statutory status does not make a programme invulnerable to administrative undermining or funding uncertainty.
Evidence on returns strengthens political arguments for protection. Newer cost-benefit work (e.g., IFS on Sure Start) and decades of Head Start research bolster the case that investing in early years yields fiscal and social returns — arguments that advocates use to resist cuts. Yet political priorities and fiscal politics can still override evidence.
Finally
Sure Start and Head Start are sibling policy ideas — early-years interventions aimed at vulnerable children — but their institutional trajectories diverge because of differences in funding structures, governance and politics. Sure Start was largely scaled back after 2010 because of austerity, the de-ringfencing of local authority budgets and a policy shift toward targeting; Head Start has been repeatedly threatened under the Trump administrations by budget proposals, administrative disruptions and an ideological push to devolve or privatize federal services. Both cases demonstrate that the longevity and effectiveness of social programmes depends as much on political economy and institutional design as on technical evidence about impact.
Protecting early-years investments therefore requires not only rigorous evaluation but also durable funding arrangements and political coalitions that transcend short-term budget cycles.
Note[b]
You often go down rabbit holes when looking for information. Here is one that is particularly enlightening when looking at what the current US administration is doing beyond Tariffs and bombing Venezuelan boats. Readers may be shocked at this insidious form of censorship once you look at the list of banned words (not complete).
A banned word list shows that Trump administration is trying to make life difficult for poor families. According to a new court filing, the Trump administration has a six-page list of banned words and phrases that Head Start locations are forbidden from using when describing their programs.
Here’s a clear, factual explanation of whether the existence of a banned-words list in the Head Start programme shows that the Trump administration is trying to make life harder for poor families — and what is actually going on.
[b]What the Head Start "banned words" list actually is
According to a newly filed court case, some Head Start programmes received internal guidance that included a list of nearly 200 words and phrases to avoid or limit in federal funding applications if they wanted to be approved. The list reportedly includes words like “disability,” “women,” “Black,” “minority,” “accessible,” “tribal,” “female,” “trauma” and others.
This guidance came from the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) and was submitted in a lawsuit against HHS by Head Start providers in several states. The providers argue that the ban on diversity, equity and inclusion (DEI) language is in direct conflict with the Head Start Act’s legal requirements, which explicitly mandate culturally appropriate services and special education support for children with disabilities.
The lawsuit claims the word restrictions put programmes in a legally impossible position because many of those words appear in the law itself (e.g., “disability,” “inclusive,” etc.).
KPBS Public Media
Why this matters for Head Start families
Head Start is a programme designed to support low-income families with early childhood education, health screenings, nutrition, and family services. The statutory mission includes serving children with disabilities, offering linguistically and culturally appropriate services, and helping historically underserved communities.
TPR
If programmes are discouraged from using language tied to those missions — for example:
Words that describe the needs of children with disabilities,
Terms related to historically marginalized communities,
Even words like “accessible” or “belong” —
then it may undermine how the programmes write proposals and describe services, and could make it harder to ensure vulnerable children get services tied to federal legal protections.
Northwest Public Broadcasting
Advocates for people with disabilities have already called the language ban “morally repugnant” and potentially unlawful, since it undercuts the legal purpose of Head Start programs to identify and support children with disabilities.
KPBS Public Media
Is this intended to make life harder for poor families?
There are two main interpretations:
Policy framing by administration supporters
Officials linked to the Trump administration have framed actions like this as part of enforcing an executive order against “illegal DEI policies.” That order (cited in the court documents) says diversity, equity and inclusion initiatives allegedly violate federal civil-rights laws and undermine “national unity.”
Under that framing, the banned-words lists are meant to reduce what the administration considers inappropriate emphasis on identity politics in federal programmes not specifically to harm poor families per se.
However, critics see it very differently.
Critics’ perspective
Critics argue that removing key terms tied to describing who needs help and why can:
Weaken programmes’ ability to identify and serve the most vulnerable children.
Restrict how programmes communicate about critical services (e.g., special needs support).
Impose ideological priorities over evidence-based service delivery.
From this vantage point, the banned-words list doesn’t appear to be about administrative clarity it looks like a political attempt to reshape what language federal programmes can use, even when that language is tied to legal mandates. That can make it harder for programmes to function as intended for the families they serve.
Northwest Public Broadcasting
Important nuance
This is not a criminal ban on people speaking those words in everyday life, and it is not publicly posted as an official White House rule.
It comes from internal guidance and enforcement of broader policy priorities, i.e., restrictions stemming from executive actions limiting DEI in federal programmes.
Head Start providers are now suing because they say those restrictions conflict with the Head Start Act itself — which protects services for children with disabilities and culturally appropriate programming.
So what does the list signify?
The existence of the list suggests that the administration is:
actively enforcing policies to avoid certain types of language in federal programmes;
doing so in a way that may conflict with the statutory mission of Head Start;
prompting legal action because programmes feel they cannot meet legal requirements without using the very language they’re being told to avoid.
Northwest Public Broadcasting
Whether this constitutes an intentional effort to make life difficult for poor families depends on one’s interpretation of policy intent:
A supporter might say it’s about enforcing executive priorities on DEI language in government.
A critique (especially from providers and advocates) is that it disproportionately burdens programmes serving vulnerable families, because it impedes how they describe needs and secure appropriate funding and services.
Critics clearly see it as undermining the mission of a programme designed to help low-income children, because words like “disability,” “accessible,” and “minority” are central to describing and justifying services for those groups.
A banned-words list for Head Start programmes exists in internal guidance and includes terms central to serving historically under-served groups.
Programs are challenging it in court because they claim it undermines the legal purposes of Head Start.
Whether the list shows the administration is trying to make life harder for poor families is a matter of interpretation — but many advocacy organizations and service providers argue it will make it harder for Head Start to fulfil its mission, especially for children with disabilities and kids in underserved communities.
Here’s what’s currently publicly reported about the words and phrases that some federal agencies — and reportedly Head Start programs — were told to avoid under guidance tied to the Trump administration’s anti-DEI policy enforcement. There isn’t an official publicly released unique Head Start list, but court filings mention a list of nearly 200 words and phrases titled “words to limit or avoid in government documents,” and reporting has identified many of the terms that have been flagged in internal agency guidance more broadly.
Below is a compilation of terms reported in internal guidance collected from multiple independent media reports and community-compiled postings that reflect the kinds of words and phrases agencies have been told to avoid (including, but not limited to, Head Start context):
Commonly Reported Words and Phrases Flagged or Advised to Avoid
(This is not a complete official government list — such lists are internal — but these terms have appeared in reporting and court filings about the guidance.)
accessible
activism
activists
advocacy
advocate / advocates
affirming care
all-inclusive
allyship
anti-racism
antiracist
assigned at birth
assigned female at birth
assigned male at birth
at risk
barrier / barriers
belong
bias / biases (e.g., biased toward, biases towards)
biologically female / biologically male
BIPOC
Black
breastfeed + people / breastfeed + person
chestfeed + people / chestfeed + person
clean energy
climate crisis
climate science
commercial sex worker
community diversity
community equity
confirmation bias
cultural competence
cultural differences
cultural heritage
cultural sensitivity
culturally appropriate
culturally responsive
DEI, DEIA, DEIAB, DEIJ
disabilities / disability
discriminated / discrimination
discriminatory
disparity
diverse / diversity / diversify / diversified / diversifying
disability-related terms
equal opportunity / equality
equitable / equity
ethnicity
excluded / exclusion
female / females
feminism
gender and gendered terms
gender identity and related terms
hate speech
health equity / health disparity
hispanic minority / Latinx
historically [used in contexts like inequality, injustice, etc.]
immigrants
implicit bias / implicit biases
inclusion / inclusive / inclusiveness / inclusivity
indigenous community
inequalities / inequality / inequities / inequitable
institutional / institutionalized
intersectional / intersectionality
marginalized / marginalize
minorities / minority
multicultural
non-binary / nonbinary
race / racial / racial inequality
racism
sex / sexual preferences / sexuality
sense of belonging
socioeconomic status
social justice
systemic / systemically
trauma / traumatic
underappreciated / underrepresented / underserved / undervalued
victim / victims
vulnerable populations
women
tribal
(Note: these examples aggregate terms reported across media and community tracking lists; many relate to identity, inclusion, diversity, inequality, or accessibility.)
Words Reported Specifically as Appearing on the Head Start Guidance
Court filings and reporting on the Head Start situation mention some specific words that programs were told to avoid in their funding applications:
accessible
belong
Black
disability / disabilities
female
minority
trauma
tribal
women
Reporting notes that the list attached to the court filing comprises nearly 200 words and phrases, but only some have been publicly reported so far. The full list from the actual internal document has not been published online by the government or in full by news outlets.
More details HERE