Scottish Independence: Are Voters Being Told About the New Borders, Passport Controls and Bureaucracy?

8th November 2026

The debate about Scottish independence regularly returns to familiar subjects: oil revenues, taxation, public spending, pensions, the NHS and whether Scotland would be better off economically outside the United Kingdom. But there is another important question that deserves considerably more attention.

What would actually have to happen to turn Scotland from a devolved part of the United Kingdom into a fully independent country?

It is easy to talk about independence as though it simply involves transferring responsibility from Westminster to Holyrood. In reality, it would involve establishing a new state, creating or expanding numerous government institutions, negotiating international agreements and deciding how Scotland would operate its borders.

These are practical matters that would affect businesses, travellers, workers and households throughout Scotland.

The border question

One of the most obvious changes would be the creation of an international border between Scotland and the remaining United Kingdom.

At present, someone can drive from Wick to Newcastle without encountering customs posts, immigration controls or border paperwork. Goods move freely between Scotland and England, and businesses can operate on both sides without having to consider international trading arrangements.

Independence would change the constitutional position, even if the physical border initially looked much the same.

The Scottish Government proposes that an independent Scotland would seek to rejoin the European Union as soon as possible. That would bring considerable opportunities, including access to the European single market and freedom of movement within the EU.

However, EU membership would also bring obligations.

If Scotland joined the EU while the rest of the UK remained outside, the border between Scotland and England would become an external frontier of the European single market and customs arrangements.

That would mean some goods crossing the border could require customs declarations, regulatory checks and additional documentation. Food, livestock, agricultural products and other regulated goods could face particular requirements.

The extent of those checks would depend on the future trading relationship between the EU and UK, but it would be unrealistic to assume that everything could continue exactly as it does today.

The Institute for Government has examined this issue and concluded that EU membership would create a new customs and regulatory frontier between Scotland and England.

Would we need passports to visit England?

This is one question that could concern ordinary people, particularly those who regularly travel between Scotland and England for work, family visits or holidays.

The Scottish Government's proposal is that an independent Scotland should remain within the Common Travel Area (CTA), the arrangement that currently allows British and Irish citizens to move freely between the UK, Ireland, the Channel Islands and the Isle of Man.

Ireland provides an interesting example. It is an EU member but remains outside the Schengen passport-free travel area while retaining its Common Travel Area arrangements with the UK.

The Scottish Government believes Scotland could negotiate a similar arrangement.

Under its proposals, British, Irish and Scottish citizens would continue to travel freely between Scotland, England, Wales, Northern Ireland and Ireland without routine passport or immigration checks.

This is an important distinction. EU membership would not automatically mean that someone driving from Scotland into England had to show a passport.

However, this arrangement would need to be negotiated and agreed. It cannot simply be assumed that all existing arrangements would transfer automatically to a new independent country.

There would also need to be cooperation over immigration rules, border security and the movement of people from outside the Common Travel Area.

Northern Ireland provides a warning

The experience of Northern Ireland following Brexit illustrates how complicated these arrangements can become.

The Republic of Ireland remained within the EU while Northern Ireland remained part of the UK. Avoiding a hard border on the island of Ireland became a central issue in the Brexit negotiations.

The eventual Windsor Framework introduced special arrangements for goods moving between Great Britain and Northern Ireland.

Although people can still travel across the Irish land border without routine immigration checks, the movement of goods has required additional procedures and administrative arrangements.

An independent Scotland seeking EU membership would face a different geographical situation, but some of the same underlying problems.

The Scottish Government's argument is that the Common Travel Area could protect the movement of people while separate arrangements dealt with goods.

That may be achievable, but it would require detailed cooperation between Edinburgh, Westminster, Dublin and Brussels.

Creating a new government

Borders are only one part of the challenge.

Scotland already has its own Parliament, Government, tax authority and several national institutions. Independence would therefore not mean starting entirely from scratch.

However, many important responsibilities currently handled at UK level would have to be transferred, recreated or established through new agreements.

These could include a national customs administration, immigration and citizenship services, a central bank, financial regulation, government debt management, diplomatic representation, defence structures and national security organisations.

Scotland would also need to establish or expand the institutions responsible for negotiating international trade agreements and representing the country in international organisations.

There would be substantial administrative work involved.

New legislation would be required, computer systems would need to be developed or separated from existing UK systems, staff would have to be recruited or transferred, and arrangements would be needed for the ownership of assets and responsibility for existing liabilities.

The Scottish Government has published proposals for some of these arrangements, including the creation of a Scottish Central Bank and a Debt Management Office.

But publishing a proposal is not the same as having an operational institution.

Who pays for all this?

The cost of establishing a new state is another subject that deserves proper examination.

There would be one-off costs associated with creating institutions and separating existing systems, followed by continuing expenditure on their operation.

Some services could be transferred relatively easily. Others, particularly defence, taxation, pensions administration and national security, would involve complex negotiations and substantial organisational changes.

There would also be questions about how much of the existing UK workforce would transfer to Scottish institutions and how much new recruitment would be necessary.

It is difficult to put a reliable overall figure on these costs before the details of independence have been negotiated.

But they would have to be included in any realistic assessment of Scotland's future public finances. Money spent establishing new institutions would not be available for other public services.

What about Scottish businesses?

For businesses, uncertainty could be just as important as the eventual arrangements.

Scotland trades extensively with the rest of the UK. Many companies have suppliers, customers and employees on both sides of the border.

A small seafood processor in Caithness selling to customers in England, for example, could face additional paperwork and certification requirements depending on the final trading arrangements.

The same could apply to agricultural producers, food manufacturers, transport companies and businesses supplying goods to English customers.

Larger companies might have the resources to employ specialists to deal with customs and regulatory requirements. Smaller businesses could find the additional administration more difficult and expensive.

There could be opportunities too. Rejoining the EU single market could make trading with European customers easier and open up new markets.

The question is how these advantages would balance against any additional barriers to trade with Scotland's largest existing market.

The transition could take years

Another issue is the timescale.

Independence would not necessarily happen immediately following a referendum result. Negotiations would be required between the Scottish and UK governments over assets, liabilities, pensions, defence, citizenship, currency and the division of responsibilities.

EU membership would involve a separate accession process and agreement from existing member states.

The Institute for Government has previously examined the complexities of this process, highlighting that separation and subsequent EU accession could take many years.

During that period, businesses and households would need clarity about the rules governing trade, employment, taxation, travel and public services.

Voters deserve the complete picture

None of these difficulties means that an independent Scotland could not operate successfully. Many independent countries manage their own borders, currencies, taxation systems, defence arrangements and international relationships.

There are also legitimate arguments about the potential benefits of independence, including greater democratic control and the opportunity to rejoin the European Union.

But voters should be able to examine both sides of the equation.

The experience of Brexit demonstrated how complicated it can be to change international relationships that have developed over decades. Many of the practical consequences only became apparent as negotiations progressed and new arrangements were introduced.

Scotland should not repeat the mistake of leaving important questions unanswered until after a major constitutional decision has been made.

Before another independence referendum, voters deserve detailed explanations of what would change, what would remain the same, how much the transition might cost and how long it could take.

Independence is about much more than a new flag, a new Parliament and the ability to make decisions in Edinburgh rather than Westminster.

It is about creating an entirely new set of national arrangements.

The important question is not simply whether Scotland could become independent. It is whether voters have been given enough information to understand what independence would actually involve.